Go To Brain,Child Magazine Front Page



Dad Buys Cereal

Quiet Revolution or business as usual? 

By Stacey Evers

When my mother sees a man carrying a grocery list, she takes it as proof that there's been a revolutionary change in marriage. She's talking specifically about the guy Bjorning the newest addition and ignoring the sugar-smacked pleas of his older children. "I see dads in the store all the time with their kids," she says. "And they're, you know, buying the groceries. You never saw a father buying groceries when you were growing up."

In late-seventies Nebraska, you might have seen a man in the grocery store around Valentine's Day, buying a last-minute box of chocolates, or maybe in the summer when he believed he had to pick out the proper cut of steaks for the grill himself. But as a general rule? To buy frozen peas and diapers? After working at the office or plant all week? Think again.

"I have yet to hear a man ask for advice on how to combine marriage and a career," Gloria Steinem said in a radio interview twenty years ago. I still don't hear many men asking. I suspect that has a lot more to do with the way men are raised to gut things out and women are raised to talk them through. When I talk privately with my male friends, they tell me they don't know how to make it all work--how to spend enough time with the kids, to devote enough time to their wives, and to give enough time to their jobs. They feel inadequate, guilty, and tired.

They sound like mothers.

But even though the definition of a good dad has expanded to include adjectives like "attentive" and "involved," the primary verb still seems to be "to provide." Maybe that's why, despite the many, many recent stories in the mainstream media about highly educated, high-powered women "opting out" of their careers to stay home with the kids, there have been none about men doing the same.

A year ago, the New York Times' Lisa Belkin coined the term "opt-out revolution" in an article focused on elite women leaving the workforce. Since then, opting out has been spotlighted in articles in publications ranging from the Wall Street Journal and Time to Fast Company and Business Insurance. In March, the Atlantic Monthly published a particularly controversial article by Caitlin Flanagan called "How Serfdom Saved the Women's Movement." In it, she rebukes today's working mothers for riding to success on the backs of domestic servants and then not having the decency to acknowledge both the nannies' primacy in their kids' lives or to pay their Social Security taxes. Flanagan did not similarly judge--or even mention--fathers, who presumably agreed to having a nanny in the house and are contributing to their salaries.

Ignoring the responsibilities and desires of fathers seems to be the norm in these articles. The writers and talk show hosts who've weighed in on this discussion don't interview men, don't take into account their points of view, don't ask them why they aren't feeling guilty about hiring housekeepers and nannies, don't probe why everyone still looks to the mother when asking how the children are to be raised. This conversation is being held almost exclusively by women while paternal keyboards and vocal chords largely remain silent.

Can it be that most women don't care what men think about how to balance work and family responsibilities? Or is it that most men aren't comfortable voicing their opinions on traditional women's issues? Or is it something else entirely? What I do know is that no one's yet looked at how husbands are reacting to their wives' opting out, and that for every woman who is opting out, there's a stay-at-home dad going back to work or, far more likely, a man who's about to become the next-generation Ward Cleaver. Is that what he wanted? Is he secretly (or not-so-secretly) happy that he's the one earning the paycheck? Or did he want to be the one who stayed home with the kids?

The question now isn't why women are opting out, but why men are keeping on. What makes Dad go?

*     *     *

First, let's clear up a few things about stay-at-home dads, or SAHDs (the usual, if unfortunate, abbreviation). They're the poster kids for everyone who wants traditional gender roles to relax. When in 1993 the Census Bureau reported that there were two million American stay-at-home dads, it seemed that yes, in fact, we had made mighty progress toward egalitarianism at home. Everyone seems to know a stay-at-home dad these days. (In my own family, there's my brother-in-law, who is forgoing a career for the time being to wrestle with his kids on the floor and run science experiments in the kitchen.) It's not unusual on a weekday to go to the park and find a handful of dads playing with their kids, talking potty training and rashes with the moms, or reading The Financial Times while their spawn burn off some energy.

But while these men are a far cry from the Mr. Mom and Mrs. Doubtfire novelties that Hollywood presented to us in the eighties and nineties, there's a sad truth about SAHDs. It turns out that the much-cited figure of two million at-home fathers was a bit misleading: 1.6 million of those men were actually employed full- or part-time--not walking away from careers to raise their children. They also weren't necessarily the only care providers for their kids. To qualify as a SAHD for Census purposes, it turns out, the father only needed to be the person who is most often with the kids during the mother's working hours.

Men who worked service jobs like maintenance, police, firefighting, and security were twice as likely as men in any other occupation to be taking care of preschoolers while their wives were at work. Census researchers say this probably has something to do with the nontraditional schedules of these jobs, in which men can work nights and weekends when mothers are with the children.

You can imagine the scene in these homes. One parent walks in around six p.m., dead tired from office pressure and rush-hour traffic, to find a similarly exhausted partner who is simultaneously changing into a work uniform and spouting off the verbal equivalent of a hand-off memo for the household. What they've traded for never seeing each other is not having to pay expensive daycare bills. This is a vital budget cut, given that most families with dads at home are financially struggling. The number of caregiving fathers peaked during the 1988-1991 economic recession, when more men than usual were losing full-time jobs and families were under pressure to make ends meet. Not surprisingly, the number of primary-care fathers fell between 1991 and 1993, when the economy reignited.

Last year, at the same time the Census Bureau clarified its 1993 estimate of two million SAHDs, it redefined what a stay-at-home parent is. By its new definition--a married mom or dad out of the labor force for all of the previous year primarily to care for family, with a spouse who'd been working that whole time--there are currently 5.2 million stay-at-home moms and a mere 105,000 stay-at-home dads. Only one-half of one percent of all children under age fifteen who live in two-parent families are being raised by fathers who quit their jobs to be SAHDs--compared to more than twenty-five percent of similar children who are being raised by stay-at-home moms. Or, to put it another way, if you're a kid under fifteen in America today, living with your mom and dad, you're fifty-six times more likely to have a stay-at-home mom and a going-out-to-work dad than vice versa.

While the number of stay-at-home dads may grow eventually, many social researchers believe it will never be the predominant family modus vivendi. "It is unlikely this arrangement will ever be used by a major proportion of American families, given societal, cultural, religious and economic support for primary nurturing mothers as the norm," writes Kyle Pruett, clinical professor of psychiatry and nursing at the Yale Child Study Center and Medical School, in his book, Fatherneed: Why Father Care is as Essential as Mother Care for Your Child (The Free Press, 2000).

So what gives? After women getting liberated, men getting the okay to eat quiche and at least a generation getting Marlo Thomas's Free to Be. . . You and Me for Christmas or birthdays, why aren't more men choosing to be at home, raising their children?

When I ask my male friends this question, they all tell me the same thing: No matter how many diapers they change or school plays they attend, fathers are still judged first by their ability to "bring home the bacon." (If I had a slab of the stuff for every time this exact phrase was used, I could eat BLTs until my skin turned to pork rind.)

"Sometimes I wish I were a corporate titan who could command respect from my wife's power-hungry friends," my friend Dan tells me. He's a freelance photographer raising two young children. "I don't want to feel like a person who ‘just couldn't get his act together in the corporate world.' "

When Dan and his wife decided they wanted to have one parent at home, three things made it easy for him to shift his focus from career to children. He already worked out of the house, so he didn't face cubicle withdrawal. His wife, a consultant with a major corporation, earned more money than he did. Probably most importantly, he had a role model: his dad was a minister who had picked up the kids from school, made breakfast and packed the lunches. "He was able to hide behind the cloak of a minister, so he was never labeled a stay-at-home dad," Dan says.

And right there, Dan reveals his mixed feelings about the SAHD title. Despite dads' clubs and a boom in fatherhood books, being seen strictly as a stay-at-home dad is isolating. SAHDs are still outnumbered at Gymboree, moms aren't always warm (at least one moms' club made news when it asked a father to leave), and other men don't always understand the choice.

"Stay-at-home dads????" e-mailed my long-time friend David, an entrepreneur and father of two. "I think few men respect it and most men want respect of other men first."

*     *     *

In June 2003, the New York Times ran an article about the fourteen women in the one-hundred-member U.S. Senate who were pressuring Majority Leader Bill Frist to stop scheduling votes at dinner time. This plea, the article said, had "won them the quiet support of some men who would also like to have dinner with their children."

Why quiet? I wondered. Did someone tape their mouths shut? We were supposed to believe that these public figures with strong opinions on education, abortion, and war were too timid to say, "Hey, Bill, I haven't been home for dinner in two weeks. Let's vote on it in the morning"? But, as my friend says, men care what other men think--perhaps nowhere more so than in the Senate, which isn't known as "the last plantation" for nothing.

In this deeply traditional institution, success comes to those who are ruthlessly and relentlessly ambitious. But even when you look to the other geographical and institutional extreme, you'll find the same deal. Consider Bill Gates, in Seattle, taking off only a couple days of work when his daughter Jennifer Katharine was born in 1996. Or Houston Oiler football player David Williams, who skipped a game in 1993 to be with his wife during the birth of their first baby. He was fined a week's salary. Coach Bob Young, who wanted Williams suspended as well as fined, compared Williams's action to that of a World War II pilot refusing to fly while his wife was in labor. The player's unapproved absence could have hurt the business, Young claimed.

Every man I talked to while writing this article mentioned the fear men have of being perceived as weak, ineffectual, or deficient if they take a company up on family-friendly benefits such as job-sharing, flextime, or telecommuting. One friend, an international attorney and dad to two boys, says there's a feeling that if a man takes paternity leave, for example, the other men back at the office are sniping, "Did he lose an arm or something?" (Apparently, the only excuse for missing work would be the reading of the last rites over your body.)

In Fatherneed, psychiatrist Kyle Pruett tells the story of a Maryland state trooper who won a four-year fight against his department, which had denied him the unpaid parental leave required by the 1993 Family and Medical Leave Act (FMLA). This was the first discrimination case brought to trial under the new law. Although the jury awarded him $375,000, only two male colleagues called to congratulate him. Men are "not doing nearly enough" to press for workplace change or to support each other, Pruett says.

At root, many fathers feel as though they're in disguise while they're at work, says John Evans, a Massachusetts psychotherapist specializing in work-life balance for men and the author of Marathon Dad (Avon Books, 1998). These men feel that the company is always on the verge of discovering what "double-dealers" they are--Benedict Arnolds with loyalties to family as well as workplace. Men fear that taking advantage of family-friendly policies is a clear signal to an employer that they're turncoats, and the price to pay could be their seniority or a lucrative promotion.

"The guys in my groups are afraid to take family leave," says Hogan Hilling, founder of Proud Dads, an open-discussion workshop for fathers, and author of The Man Who Would Be Dad (Capital Books, 2002). "They use vacation time. They say if they use family leave, ‘My employer will look at me differently.' "

In time, enough hard data on how family-friendly policies affect companies may be able to counter pressures like these. FMLA is letting us see, for the first time on a national level, how providing at least one benefit affects both companies and workers. FMLA provides up to twelve weeks of unpaid, job-protected leave and continued health care benefits for eligible employees who need to take care of a newborn, newly adopted child, or newly placed foster child; a seriously ill child, spouse or parent; or one's own seriously ill health. This includes maternity-related disability and prenatal care.

So far, more than three-quarters of all FMLA-covered companies have reported to the Labor Department that granting the leave has had no noticeable effect on business. More impressively, ninety-six percent of these companies say that taking leave has had no noticeable effect on career advancement. Despite this, most men still prefer to cobble together precious sick days and vacation time rather than to take the federally mandated time off. Less than half (forty-five percent) of all men eligible for FMLA actually took it for any reason (not just to care for a new member of the family) according to a 2001 Labor Department survey of all eligible workers.

Fear of career repercussions is one thing, but by far the most common reason for not taking the leave was not being able to afford it. In the federal survey, seventy-eight percent of all workers who decided against taking FMLA said they did so because they couldn't spare the income. According to one recent Labor Department report, "Many leave-takers report having difficulty making ends meet during their leave, some cutting short their leave due to financial constraints."

This leads to the very basic reason why fathers are more likely than mothers to be working: The families need or want the larger salaries the men draw. At the peak of his earning potential, a man brings home a median of $205 more a week, or $10,660 more a year, than a woman at the top of her game. Of the 263 occupations tracked in 2003 by the Bureau of Labor Statistics, there are only three in which a woman's median weekly earning is the same or more than a man's. (They are: hand-packers ($5 more a week); healthcare support technicians ($2 more a week); and general office clerks (same weekly income).)

Even when they're doing the exact same job, women earn on average less than their male counterparts. Some experts believe that's because mothers "willingly" accept lower incomes in exchange for perks like flexible schedules and shorter workdays to fulfill their parenting obligations. But it's also possible, says a 2003 report on women's earnings published by the federal General Accounting Office, that "underlying discrimination exists in the presumption that women have primary responsibility for home and family, and as a result, women are forced to make decisions to accommodate these responsibilities" [emphasis added].

Men, because of their enormous earning potential, are much less likely to be drawn to part-time work or shared jobs. This type of employment is still "centered around jobs that aren't necessarily very high in the company hierarchy," says Jennifer Schramm, manager of workplace trends and forecasting for the Society of Human Resource Management, based in Alexandria, Virginia. She doesn't foresee men's becoming interested in these jobs, either. "We can't expect men to take up some of these options if they don't see the women who do progressing in their careers the way they'd want to."

Until men and women are paid equally, true co-parenting can't happen, says Ann Crittenden, author of the much-lauded book The Price of Motherhood: Why the Most Important Job in the World is Still the Least Valued (Metropolitan Books, 2001) and of the forthcoming If You've Raised Kids, You Can Do Anything. "It's very hard for the lower earner to say, ‘You have to do half the work,' " she says.

As long as men keep up the pace at work and don't give higher priority to hands-on parenting tasks--whether it's because they're trapped by cultural stereotypes, trying to support a family, or just being self-centered--women by default will remain the chief handling officers at home. Last year, fired up by Crittenden's book, the National Association of Mothers' Centers (NAMC) launched a movement called Mothers Ought To Have Equal Rights to promote the economic value of motherhood. The organization is unapologetically targeted to women, not parents.

"We're not saying that fathers' issues are not important," says NAMC Executive Director Linda Lisi Juergens. "There has been tremendous change, but the numbers are not that significantly different. Even when both parents are working, the mother is still overwhelmingly taking care of the caretaking details, even if she's not doing the caretaking herself."

And for this, we have our uteruses to thank, says the Times's "Opt-Out Revolution" author Lisa Belkin. Because women give birth to children and men do not, she tells Brain, Child, "society gives women a different relationship with children than it gives to men. There is a Nobel Prize waiting for the scientist who can figure out if this is the result of history or biology or psychology or sociology, but whatever its roots, it is, at this moment in history, a fact. So the conversation about working and caring for children is most often addressed at the audience who, at this moment in history, is most entwined in it." 

*     *     *

No one's really pushing to merely swap stay-at-home mothers for stay-at-home fathers. But why not a more reasonable sharing of all responsibilities and tasks, whether it's working or caring for children?

As it stands, most fathers just aren't that involved in the day-to-day details of their children's lives. Roughly eighty percent of mothers are responsible for choosing their child's doctor, taking the child to doctor's appointments, and arranging child care, according to a study released last fall by the Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation. Because of this, mothers are much more likely to be the ones agitating for workplace change and leading the campaigns for paid family leave and Social Security credits for stay-at-home parents.

But with the increase of mothers either leaving work to raise children full-time or scaling back on their jobs, it's men who will have the most influence over how the workplace operates. If women opt out of the workplace, will the chance for change go home with them?

There is some encouraging evidence men are realizing their stake in making the workplace more flexible. Balancing professional and personal responsibilities, always ranked very high in importance for women, is starting to take higher priority for men, according to the Society of Human Resource Management's annual benefits survey. Men, especially those who are thirty-five years old and younger, are beginning to value it as much as women do, says SHRM's Jennifer Schramm. A December 2003 job satisfaction survey echoed this trend, with paid time off rated as the second most-important benefit, just behind health care benefits; SHRM had expected retirement benefits to place second.

This isn't to say that the under-thirty-fives are solely concerned about quality time with the kids, however. This is a group that's fiercely protective of personal time in general, Schramm says. They've grown up with e-mail, the Internet, PDAs, cell phones, and now webcams and wi-fi, so they're well aware how much work can be done outside an office. They also are likely to have grown up with both parents working demanding jobs that had to be balanced with family responsibilities, and they don't seem too interested in replicating that juggling act.

Of course, this study wasn't about fatherhood, per se. Perhaps those surveyed were mostly unmarried, childless lads who want their free time for gaming on the Internet, home brewing, and biking. Once they settle down, perhaps they'll have to give in to the same roles as today's parents. But it's also possible that this generation is a transitional one, just as our mothers' generation was for women who wanted out the right to get of the house and earn their own cash. 

*     *     *

My friend David, the one who noted that few men respect stay-at-home dads, used to be the CEO of an e-commerce company that he founded. Back then, he felt constant guilt about neglecting his family to focus on building the business, which took off like a rocket. He's since left to start a second company, this time in a partnership that works with multiple businesses on a part-time basis. One benefit of this arrangement is a more flexible and slightly less demanding work schedule, giving him more hours with his wife and children. But, he says, "I often find myself in a malaise about what I'm doing with my life from a career standpoint."

Sound familiar?

In many ways, forward-thinking men are where women were thirty or forty years ago. "Imagine how hard it was for a woman to break out of her gender role prior to the sixties," says David. "It's a bit easier for women now because society in the U.S. has mostly accepted women in roles other than parent/spouse/homemaker. But men are still back in the fifties, where the acceptance [for roles other than breadwinner] is just barely starting to exist."

So what's it going to take to even things out?

A bit of everything: legislation acknowledging the economic value of stay-at-home parents, paid leaves of absence, pay equity, equal promotion opportunities, the elimination of cultural stereotypes. You know, your basic seismic ground shift.

But revolution begins at home, says Proud Dad's Hogan Hilling. Hilling was one of several men I talked with who suggested that women are ambivalent about, if not flat-out resistant to, sharing the caregiving responsibilities. "Guys want to get more involved, but moms are by nature overprotective. It discourages involvement," he says. This is the hottest topic in his workshops right now, he adds.

Something more than overprotection may be going on here. Mothers may be having a hard time ceding their authority on the home front. As psychologist John Evans points out, if parents become equals at home but men continue to rule the office roost, women won't have any place at all to exercise power. As much as women say they want co-parenting, many are frustrated by-- and perhaps afraid of--the possibility of not having a place where they can be the boss. We've all seen scenes like this: A father is fumbling with a crying baby, and the mother swoops in to pry the child out of his arms. The scene may be different--a mother questioning what the husband has packed in the diaper bag or served the kids for lunch--but the bottom line is that the woman is asserting her identity as the keeper of knowledge when it comes to the kids.

Getting Mom to be more hands-off at home is such a hot button for dads that author Austin Murphy focuses more on that conflict than on actual parenting in his recently released book, How Tough Could It Be?: The Trials and Errors of a Sportswriter Turned Stay-At-Home Dad (Henry Holt & Co., 2004). Murphy chose to stay home with his kids for six months so his wife could restart the career she abandoned when their first child was born.

What kind of thanks did he get? Well, there was no card for him on Mother's Day, he notes. He took this as a slight, he writes, his wife's way of telling him that he hasn't earned it. "It was her way of saying . . . you may have deceived some of our friends and people in the community, but when it's just us, we both know that I'm still the sheriff in this house, still the authority figure who remembers sunscreen and doesn't leave the kids unattended in hotel rooms. To make some sort of fuss out of you on Mother's Day would be to reward you for a level of competence you haven't achieved."

(Of course, not all at-home dads lock horns with their spouses over the right way to load the dishwasher. Peter Baylies, for one, the founder of athomedad.com and editor of the At Home Dad newsletter, says the book reads more like a "venting tool" against Murphy's wife than a record of what it's like for a dad to be the primary caregiver.)

To head off this kind of resentment, Hilling strongly recommends that mothers let fathers learn to handle child care tasks on their own. "Not color coordinating a child's wardrobe or putting a diaper on backwards will not harm or kill a child," he says. "Moms need to recognize that they also learned from their mistakes; it's just that there was nobody there to point them out."

Some organizations traditionally run by women, such as the PTA and Girls Scouts, are trying to be more receptive to fathers and are actively pursuing their involvement. The New York State PTA has created "Focus on Fathers," with the goal of having men comprise a quarter of each PTA membership.

Still, Hilling argues that his local association in California isn't father-friendly enough. For several years he tried to get the group to recognize both a mother and a father with its annual Volunteer of the Year awards. Initially, PTA board members told him they couldn't afford to buy two plaques, then they complained that men didn't spend enough time at the school to be recognized for their efforts. "I tried to explain that dads are working, that just to come here may jeopardize a dad's job," Hilling says. In 2001, the board handed out two awards, including one to a stay-at-home dad, but since then has reverted to giving a single award, always to a mother.

*     *     *

Of course, except for that one mother, a lot of parents' efforts go unrecognized. In fact, that lack of recognition might be one of the defining characteristics of what used to be called "women's work," the thankless tasks of nurturing children, cleaning the house, and generally keeping the domestic machinery well-oiled. Despite the lack of SAHDs, though, many things already have changed, particularly in the smaller, subtle domestic details--like who's shopping for the groceries.

When the first generation of women doctors earned their medical degrees--taking on traditional "men's work"--they did so with pomp and circumstance, in a black-robed graduation ceremony. Women CEOs are now written about in the business sections of daily newspapers, and women directors talk about their films in the national media. Women soldiers are greeted home alongside their male counterparts. The women's revolution happened in public.

If most men really do want to co-parent, and if this is indeed a transitional generation, the revolution will likely not happen in public. If and when co-parenting becomes widespread, it will probably happen privately, like domestic work itself--behind the curtains, household by household, with little fanfare but no less importance.

About the author:

STACEY EVERS is a contributing editor to Brain, Child. She has been a journalist for twelve years. Her work has appeared in the Washington Post, the Cleveland Plain Dealer, and the now-defunct Baltimore Evening Sun. She lives in the Washington, D.C., suburbs with her husband Peter and daughter Zoe.

For Peter and me, it was easy to figure out how we'd divide the money-making and child-rearing duties. He's maintained from the beginning that he doesn't have the patience to stay at home and raise kids, and I've never had the patience to sit in a cubicle and go to really awful staff meetings. Still, we're both surprised sometimes at how traditional our arrangement has turned out to be, even though it's what best suits our personalities.

art by Oliver Weiss